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Political tyranny, oppression of freedom, extensive government control over the lives of civilians, and political intervention into all spheres of societal activity are deemed to be the evils of the modern 21st century. The example of totalitarianism in Cuba with Fidel Castro as chief of state, head of government, first secretary of the Communist Party, and commander in chief of the armed forces who in March 2003 declared his intent to remain in power for life is despised by the civilized democratic societies.
The historical past of dictatorship makes it easier for people to label some countries as authoritarian. For many it seems impossible that dictatorship may throw its seeds into an eastern European transition country of Belarus, which was on its way of transformation form communism to market economy. “The Europe’s last dictator” Alexander Lukashenko has reaffirmed his intention to repeat the Cuba scenario by closing the country for outsiders, liquidating independent mass media, strengthening the army and police, and increasing the terms served in prison for the free expression of opposition ideas.
Belarus is a land-locked country surrounded by the transition countries, half of which have successfully joined the European Union. Belarus is a bridge between the democratic West and back-to-communism Putin’s Russia. Locked in between, Belarus leaned towards Russia, which promised Belarus most of the natural resources for cheap price. After Belarus-Russia gas war took place with both of the countries demonstrating stubbornness and lack of advocating, the friendly coexistence of both countries became doubtful. 10-year on and off reunification of Belarus with Russia is on the edge or resolution. Both countries understood that total centralization of power in Moscow and Minsk will not be fruitful for partnership or unification. However, things were different prior to 1994, when A. Lukashenko came to power.
Indeed, after a mysterious winning of presidential elections, A. Lukashenko turned the tide of Belarusan development. He started by changing the Constitution and replacing the historical Belarusan flag and emblem with Soviet ones. He strengthened the army and police and designated only his supporters for leading positions. He empowered KGB with Stepan N. Sukhorenko in charge and SWAT team with Dmitry Pavlichenko in charge. Just to remind, Dmitry Pavlichenko is suspected in “death team” creation, which has its ties with human disappearance and killing in Belarus. However, official Belarusan mass media likes to portray Dmitry Pavlichenko as a hero or an example of patriotism, meaning that Lukashenko equals to Motherland. Also, Alexander Lukashenko personally rewarded Pavlichenko with the order “For serving Motherland of III degree”, which is usually awarded to “high figures in service activity, courage and bravery in military service”. Russian Orthodox Church, following Lukashenko, gave Pavlichenko an order of Prince Vladimir. All of the above actions were done with one purpose – to create fear. By strengthening the control forces and appointing “loyal dogs” to guard the conformity in Belarus, Lukashenko’s “purges” began.
He had started by “cleaning” the country, eliminating his opponents and political dissidents. European and the US ambassadors were sent out from the country; Belarus visa fee increased up to $170 for a single entry to discourage travelers or spies. There’s no independent mass media (in 2006 Belarus ranked 151th place among 168 in world wide press freedom index, Cuba came 165th, Iraq came 154th, Russia was 147th, and Zimbabwe was 140th according to the Reporters Without Borders). Independent reporters in opposition to Mr. Lukashenko disappear or get murdered. Disappearance of cameramen Dmitri Zavadski on 7 July 2000 has gone nowhere, so as the deaths of Veronika Cherkasova on October 20, 2004 who published several articles about illegal arms trade between Alexander Lukashenko’s Belarus and Saddam Hussein’s Iraq and journalist Vassili Grodnikov of the opposition daily Narodnaya Volya, whose body was found with signs of head injuries on October 18, 2005. Almost all the opposition newspapers were closed down and are forbidden to publish or sell. Even internet appeared to be under the state control: the opposition web sites are often blocked. Telephone lines inside the country are listened through, and Belarus cell phones providers are not confidential. “Good” TV channels broadcast only ideologically-safe programs. The programs, which corrupt the minds of people with opposition news, are eliminated and are shown only undercover. It is very unsafe to question the authority of Mr. Lukashenko in any way. If you ever read George Orwell’s book 1984, surely you will better understand the fear of being different in Belarus.
Things became even more complicated with the presidential election held on March 19, 2006, which put more pressure on opposition leaders and mass media and clearly divided the society into two groups – “the enemies of the people” and “right people”. Many foreign journalists were simply deported from Belarus or were refused a visa to come and observe the presidential election event of 2006. At least nine journalists were arrested and beaten up on March 2, 2006 by plainclothes police when witnessing the beating and the arrest of a presidential candidate Alexander Kazulin. Moreover, the Belarusan Association of Journalists (BAJ) claimed the state run TV channel ONT devoted 89% of its airtime to election candidates from February 21, 2006 to March 4, 2006, while two presidential candidates, Milinkevich and Gaidukevich, were not mentioned at all, and Kazulin got only 0, 4% of total airtime.
Prior to the lection, in early December 2005, A. Lukashenko kindly introduced a new article Discrediting of the Republic of Belarus to the Criminal Code of the Republic of Belarus, which increased criminal liability for discrediting the state and responsibility for oppositional activities. Active oppositional activity, distribution of leaflets discrediting the honor of A. Lukashenko and presenting politically “incorrect” information, and encouragement of others to protest against the state government are punishable by an arrest for up to six months or imprisonment for up to three years. The recent arrest of the Malady Front youth opposition activist Artur Finkevich allowed an implementation of the new article. On January 31, 2006 the activist together with a friend of his made a graffiti “We Want a new One!” and “Fed up with Him!”, which was a violation of the Article 339 Part 2 of the Criminal Code (Malicious hooliganism). The result is eminent. Artur Finkevich is serving his 2-year term in one of the Mahiliou prisons and is supposed to be released on 9th December 2007. What is next for a young activist?
Acting on behalf of unregistered political organizations has become a personal first-degree offence to Mr. Lukashenko. Not knowing what to do with young determined activists who speak forbidden Belarusan language and carry traditional Belarusan White-Red-White flags, A. Lukashenko has built lots of prisons to accommodate each non-conformist. The first one captured was Pavel Seviarynec, who dared to protest against falsifications during the referendum of November 2004. Well, Lukashenko had removed the enemy as far as he could from his sight – to a God’s forsaken village of Maloe Sitna in Vitebsk region, where Pavel is still serving his 2-year term.
Zmicier Dashkevich, the least government-favorable youth leader from “Young Front”, has been repeatedly arrested and threatened by direct physical punishment. Nothing seemed to scare the activist, so during a closed court hearing he also got his term in one of the Sklou’s prison cells for just being who he was and doing what he though was right for his country. He became the first one from “Young Front” organization to serve a 1, 5-year criminal sentence for just representing Christian concepts to revive the national idea of Belarus.
The most ironic is the destiny of Alaksandar Kazulin, a political candidate for presidency in Belarus, who during one of the March 19th, 2006 presidential election events supposedly encouraged a confrontation between demonstrators and police by approaching the commanding officer with flowers in his hand and being knocked off his feet, beaten up, and then detained by Belarusan police. The result is the imprisonment for five and a half years due to the official charge of hooliganism and incitement to mass disorder during the events of March 25th. Now he is considered to be a “prisoner of conscience”. “Prisoner of Conscience”, a term so deeply imbedded into Belarus’s daily life, became a classification concept of one’s political views and desires in Belarus. “Prisoner of Conscience” is a nonconformist to political brainwash, the worst enemy of Lukashenko, the embodiment of Lukashenko’s deepest fears of Belarusan emancipation from dictatorship, and a symbol of rebirth of historical past of Belarus.
Lukashenko personally observes conformity in Belarus. He encourages ideological brainwash so that certain classes of people would not rebel. Students who participate in youth opposition organizations are expelled from their universities. Entrepreneurs are forced to pay constant dues and fees; the sphere of private business is constantly suppressed so that entrepreneurs would switch to government jobs. Other religious representatives rather than Orthodox are prosecuted and constantly pushed to abandon their beliefs. It seems that everything you see in the country or hear is 24-hour propaganda. The election was fraudulent, no doubt, but the hope is in people to express their dissatisfaction with the current regime and rebel by the Ukrainian scenario.
Traditionally, the people of Belarus are very passive and peaceful; there hasn’t been a single conflict Belarus encouraged. When there is such a skillful manipulator and authoritarian governor who overshadows everything with his ideas and takes people’s safety into his hands, people feel threat to their peaceful existence and stay silent not to disrupt the piece. So, where’s hope? By Olga Berastejskaja |